Monday, May 2, 2011

JACQUES RUEFF REIVINDICADO
. Mervyn King: "Global Imbalances: the perspective of the Bank of England", Banque de France Financial Stability Review, Febrero de 2011

Por AM

No me gusta la palabra "reivincidar". Pero veo que María Moliner le atribuye impecables credenciales latinas: "res, rei, cosa y vindicare, reclamar". ¿Quien soy yo para contradecirla? Any way, quería comentar brevemente el artículo de Mervyn King, gobernador del Bank of England, sobre las estrategias de desarrollo tipo Bretton Woods. La idea es sencilla: el esquema es adictivo tanto para los exportadores (crean puestos de trabajo) como para los que se ven beneficiados por el reciclaje de recursos en su propio mercado de crédito (por razones obvias). Pero atttenti. Jacques Rueff —el principal crítico del concepto de moneda internacional de reserva— ya lo había advertido: la ilusión de un deficit sin lágrimas cambia la psychologie des peuples.

Traducción: los esquemas à la Bretton Woods terminan en especulación en escala masiva, y en crisis financiera. Sucedió en los 1960s con los eurodólares y con la manía de fusiones inter-atlánticas, y en los 2000s con las Collateral Debt Obligations sobre subprime mortgages. Es la naturaleza humana. El punto es importante, porque el Sr. King parece haber cambiado su visión sobre el papel de la regulación bancaria. Es importante, por supuesto. Pero cuanto te llueven trillions a tu mercado de crédito —Estados Unidos en los 1990s y 2000s— no hay cómo evitar la hiper-especulación. Las compras de Treasuries del Banco Popular de China, al deprimir artificialmente las tasas de largo plazo, abrieron el camino a la locura en Wall Street. ¡Jacques Rueff reivindicado!

All the economies seemed to gain: just as the high-saving countries created employment, the low-saving economies enjoyed faster real consumption growth as the price of imported manufactured goods fell. [SISTEMA 'ADICTIVO']. All the main players –countries, regulators, central banks, and commercial banks– were rationally pursuing their own self interest. But what made sense for each player individually did not make sense in aggregate. These actions had collective consequences. In particular, the ‘glut’ of savings helped push down on government bond yields –Warnock and Warnock (2009), for example, estimate that if there had been no foreign official purchases of US government bonds in the year to May 2005, the 10-year Treasury yield would have been around 80 basis points higher [CHINA DEPRIME RENDIMIENTO].

In an attempt to maintain returns at previous higher levels, other investors ‘searched for yield’, which encouraged risk taking, much of it under the guise of ‘financial innovation’, resulting in an underpricing of risk. This was evident in reduced discrimination between assets of differing credit quality and the development of increasingly complex financial instruments employing leverage to generate higher returns. Such risk taking was possible because of inadequacies in financial regulation and supervision [LEHMAN Y OTROS CREAN 'SPECIAL INVESTMENT VEHICLES', CON CDOs FINANCIADOS OVERNIGHT!!].

The pattern of growth, with the associated imbalances and mis-pricing of risk, was not sustainable: as we know only too well, the ensuing financial crisis threatened the entire stability of the financial system. Those emerging market economies which have adopted floating currencies are now suffering from the attempts of other countries to hold down their exchange rates, and are experiencing uncomfortable rates of capital inflows and currency appreciation [BRASIL]. So there is more to this issue than a bilateral conflict between China and the United States.
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